Parsing Hu Jintao's 30th Anniversary Reform Speech
If you're like me, you derive perverse satisfaction from reading long, cryptic speeches made by Chinese leaders at landmark events. Hu Jintao's recent speech commemorating the 30th anniversary of the start of reform and opening in China is no exception. The event, staged with the usual fanfare and triumphalism we've come to expect from milestone anniversaries in China, took place last Thursday in the Great Hall of the People and brought out the whole lot of ex-CCP luminaries such as Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji. I translated what I thought were the key points of his speech, which can be found in its entirety here.
"Comrades, today we meet to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the start of reform and opening in China. It is during these thirty years that we have fully realized the deep meaning and achievement of reforms for China. Through this great course of action we have gained valuable experience in deepening reform measures, persisted in upholding the flag of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and using Marxism, Mao Zedong thought, Deng Xiaoping theory and the tenets of the "three represents" as our guide, have deeply carried out the scientific development plan and continued down the great road of reform.
…The tremendous achievement of Reform and Opening is the result of the unrelenting unity and struggle of the Party, the country, and all its nationalities. The tremendous achievement and transformation of the past thirty years is contributing to the next generation of China's sons and daughters and it concerns the destiny of all the children and grandchildren of the motherland. These are all reasons to feel extremely proud of the historical significance that reforms have brought to this great country.
…At this juncture it is important to look back and see where we have come from. For without the guidance of past leaders and comrades, we would not be where we are today. Without the greatness of Mao Zedong thought, there would be no China. Without the wisdom and practicality of Deng Xiaoping theory, there would be no reform. These important contributions, along with Jiang Zemin's initiation of the "Three Represents", have been the guiding principles upon which China finds itself today.
…China has come a long way in 30 years and seen and experienced much change, both domestically and internationally. Whether facing violent changes in Eastern Europe, the disintegration of the Soviet Union or serious internal political disturbances, whether facing Westernization, splittist schemes, or so-called "sanctions", whether facing unprecedented earthquakes, snowstorms and other natural disasters and epidemic diseases like SARS, or facing the Asian Financial Crisis and the current international economic recession, the Party and the people have been of one heart and mind, valiantly and courageously pushing ahead. Especially at this tremendous historical crossroads, as the Party is deciding on the county's future, we the Party are closely relying on people of all nationalities throughout the country not to waver, eliminate all interference, resolutely defend the important cause of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, and persist in continuing along the road of reform.
…From the Ten Tenets of Communist Party Rule:
(1): Persist in adhering to the fundamental principals of Marxism and push forward with the integration of "Sinocized" Marxism, including emancipating the mind, seeking the truth from facts, and further integrating the theory of reform and opening with the substantive basis of Marxism. Marxism is the basis from which China was founded. Therefore is must continue to be China's underlying guiding principle for the country, the Party, and its people. At the same time, only by integrating and developing further Marxism into China's changing structure, characteristics, and specific condition can its guiding principals be fully realized and cultivated.
…The Party will continue to improve and perfect governance according to socialism with Chinese characteristics. We will govern according to the law, by and for the people, let the people be the master of their own affairs, and respect human rights. We will continue along the road of governmental reform centered on increased democracy, respect for all bodies of law under socialism, respect for citizens' rights of equality and the deepening of judiciary reform.
…We need to draw on the beneficial achievements of past political contributions to mankind, but never imitate the model from Western political institutions. We need to deepen socialist political civilization, perfect the system of the People's Congress and various consultative bodies, the integration of multiparty cohesion under the leadership of the CCP, and work to cultivate regional national autonomy and various other autonomous systems. We need to fight corruption and rule by justice, honesty and integrity. Cultivating patriotism, the deepening of the socialist political system, and guaranteeing the Party as the voice of the people will help bring about a more prosperous, united and harmonious political situation.
…When we think of the Chinese Communist Party one hundred years from now and the great achievements we have brought about in improving the well-being of its more than one billion citizens, when we think of how prosperous a country we have become and how strong and harmonious a society we have built, we will look back and be proud of how far we have come. As long as we don't waver, become sluggish or get sidetracked, but firmly push forward the reform and opening up process as well as adhere to socialism with Chinese characteristics, then this grand blueprint set before us will undoubtedly materialize!
…Of course, through the process of reform, problems have materialized. Income inequalities are on the rise which is influencing the path of reform. There still exists poor and low-income populations in the countryside, the agricultural foundation is weak, and development is lagging in some areas of the countryside. There is still much work to be done and inefficiencies to be dealt with by the party and the country. Reform and opening is a long process requiring heavy responsibilities. However, as long as all the comrades in the party increase their work in a cautious and conscientious manner, they will resolutely succeed in living up the expectations and trust of the people. As long as the country and all the people come together as one heart and mind in this struggle, work to maintain, carry on and adopt a spirit of continual self-improvement, that is what is important."
I found this speech fascinating for a number of reasons. It's always interesting (and challenging) to decode the elliptical nature of speeches given by CCP leaders for the simple fact that they are usually 90 percent exact replicas of previous CCP speeches in some form or another, minus a few tweaks and adjustments. Furthermore, most are exasperatingly long-winded and verbose, full of overly-laudatory and relentlessly positive prose. But it is that other 10 percent embedded within the text that offers the best hint of the "meaning behind the words".
For this speech, a few things jumped out at me. In general, Hu's speech had a markedly more conservative tone to it when compared to his past speeches like the 17th Party address last year. For one, it was his apparent re-emphasis on Marxism and Socialism. Granted, these are terms that have historically been a staple of CCP rhetoric. But a survey of Hu's speeches going back to 2002 yields a subtle shift away these bread-and-butter terms in place of more reform-oriented, moderate rhetoric like "inter-democratic reform", "rights of the people" and "harmonious society" (For a good synopsis of this see David Bandurski's article from the China Media Project). Most fascinating to me was the artful wordplay of tying Marxism in with China's current reforms. To most China followers, the question of how China continues to reconcile the paradox between China's Marxist tenets while simultaneously carrying out economic reforms that seem to contradict the very essence of Marxist ideology is a source of great curiosity. I draw your attention to this phrase:
"Marxism is the basis from which China was founded. Therefore it must continue to be China's underlying guiding principle for the country, the Party, and its people. At the same time, only by integrating and developing further Marxism into China's changing structure, characteristics, and specific condition can its guidance principals be fully realized and cultivated."
The key here is "integrating" Marxism into China's "changing structure", which is code word for adapting it as China sees fit. In essence Hu is implicitly leaving the door open for a very loose interpretation of what Marxism means to today's changing China, or as he put it, "Sinocizing" Marxism. This is an interesting but clever mix of words, but still leaves much unexplained.
Another phrase that has been the topic of much speculation is Hu's admonishment not to "waver, become sluggish or get sidetracked in arduously following the path of reform." The last term, which literally translates to "don't toss and turn" or "do something counterproductive" (不要折腾) has sent the chat forums a flurry over what he meant or to whom he was addressing it to. It is a term I would venture to guess has never been used in CCP speeches, one that is used more in spoken Chinese and open to many interpretations. Was it in reaction to the recent Charter 08 democracy charter signed by prominent Chinese intellectuals and activists leading to the arrest of Liu Xiaobo? Was it directed towards intellectuals? Chinese netizens from the Daqi forums had this to say:
"That was surely not for ordinary citizens."
"Of course it was directed at the so-called "experts" who want to find any way to take down the system."
"Wow, Hu Jintao is my idol…I'm really moved by his speech. We cannot stray from this message! This warning was definitely directed at the instigators and activists who just want to get attention from the Western media."
"It is to all those right-leaning intellectuals and corrupt officials who only are looking out for their own selfish reasons."
A theme resonating throughout his speech was the way in which he took the values and goals of the party and intertwined them with the values of the people, as if they were one in the same. You saw numerous references to "as long as the Party and the people are of one heart and mind", and linking the achievements of reforms to the "sons, daughters, and granddaughters and grandsons of the Motherland" and how this was an achievement "worthy of every citizen's pride." There was a palpable sense that Hu wanted people to feel like they had a stake in the achievement of China's reforms, and that support of the party and appreciation for what it has done should be shared by all generations.
Another theme was this notion of "struggle" (奋斗). You find this in many speeches and peppered throughout CCP rhetoric, but this speech in particular emphasized the notion of the "long hard road" and "fighting valiantly through the obstacles and persevering". It also emphasized the need to continue to persevere and fight for one's goals and for the betterment of the country. If one were unacquainted with Chinese Communist party rhetoric, it might come off as being tinged with sort of revolutionary prose where heroism and gallantry were considered an integral part of development and peace within Chinese society. The whole concept of struggle is apparent throughout CCP speeches, but the fact that it still manages to maintain such a prominent role in CCP rhetoric is an interesting phenomenon. It's almost as if China's leaders want to continually remind its citizens that to be Chinese, to improve your well-being and China's development in turn, you have to keep up the struggle. This undoubtedly has its nexus in Communist/Marxist ideology, going back to the notion of class struggle and revolutionary ideology. I'm sure the recent global economic downturn and possible decrease in economic output in China has its leaders worried, so perhaps they are hinting at harder times to come. In any case, its evolution as a rhetorical tool and usage in contemporary speeches has been remarkably durable.
Of course Hu's mention of "splittist schemes" was no doubt in reference to the Tibetan uprisings last March, which China maintains was the work of the Dalai Lama's government-in-exile.
And finally, Hu's strident rejection of "Western-style democracy" was noteworthy, saying: "We need to draw on the beneficial achievements of past political contributions to mankind, but never imitate the model from Western political institutions". This hasn't been emphasized from Hu in many years, but was a mainstay of speeches made by his predecessor Jiang Zemin. Its resurrection serves as an important reminder of Beijing's now overt foreign policy strategy to develop and reform "on China's terms" and taking account of China's "unique history and Asian values". It has hues of the so-called Beijing Consensus, the academic term coined by Western academics to describe China's grand strategy to act as a hedge against US hegemony in the region and in global leadership.
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